Saor Éire

Liam Mellows

Documents smuggled from Mountjoy jail

August 26th and 29th, 1922

The memorandum to Stack ran:

General situation: We are as much in touch with this as the "newspapers" and Poblacht and Bulletin permit. I am strongly of opinion that the Republican political and military outlook can be co-ordinated. No doubt this has been done but I mention it because during the past six months we suffered badly because responsible officers in their desire to act as soldiers, and because of an attitude towards "politicians' acquired as a result (in my opinion) of a campaigndirected towards this end by old G.H.Q., could only judge of situations in terms of guns and men. Even from a military point of view it ought to have been apparent to such men that every situation and advantage—no matter of what nature—should be availed of to gain victory. However I am not going to write an essay on this.

Naturally we are thinking hard here, though the place and atmosphere is not conducive to thought. However, the net result of my cogitations are;

1. A Provisional Republican Government should be set up at once-even if it is unable to
function-or to function in a most limited way. This is to be done apart from the question of the Dail. The advertisement in today's paper re postponement of Dail is inserted by Provisional Government. The impression the press and Provisional Government want to create is that the next Dail is the "Provisional
Parliament" called for by the termis of the Treaty. If at meeting of Dail this is not cleared up and it is accepted that it is a "Provisional Parliament" and not the Government of the Republic - then the necessity of a Republican Government is more urgent.

2. The Programme of Democratic control (the social programme) adopted by the Dail coincident Declaration of Independence January 1919 should be translated into something definite. This is essential if the great body of workers are to be kept on the side of Independence- This does not require a change of outlook on the part of Republicans, or the adoption of a revolutionary programme as such. The headline is there in the Declaration of 1919. It is already part of the Republican policy. It should be made clear what is meant by it. Would suggest therefore that it be interpreted something like the following which appeared in the Workers' Republic of July 22nd last.

Here follow the four points of the Communist Programme

Regarding the last paragraph in above programme-land-it is well to note that the I.R.A. Executive had already taken up the question of the demesnes and, ranches and had adopted a scheme for their confiscation and distribution. This scheme was largely the work of P.J Ruttledge.1 See Ernie O'Malley, Tomas O'Dearg and P.J.R. about this. In view of unprincipledattacks of the Labour Party, and because of the landless and homeless Irish Republican soldiers who fought against Britain, it might be well to publish this scheme in whole or in part. "We should certainly keep Irish Labour for the Republic: it will be possibly the biggest factor on our side. Anything that will prevent Irish Labour becoming Imperialist and "respectable" will help the Republic. As a sidelight on Johnston [sic}, O'Brien, O'Shannon and Co. it will interest you to know tliat when they called on us in the Four Courts last May they (particularly Johnston) remarked that no effort had been made to put the Democratic Programme into execution.

In our efforts now to win back public support to the Republic we are forced to recognise -whether we like it or not-that the commercial interest, so called, money and the gombeen men are on the side of the Treaty, because the Treaty means Imperialism and England. We are back to Tone-and it is just as well-relying on that great body "the men of no property". The "stake in the country" people were never with the Republic. They are not with it now-and they will always be against it- until it wins. We should recognise that definitely now and base our appeals upon the understanding and needs of those who have always borne Ireland's fight. Even though the decision of the election of 1918 stands; even though the Declaration of Independence remains a fact; even though the election of June 1922 was an "agreed election" at which no issue wasput or decided, yet, because of the interputation put upon it by the Treatyites (and used broadcast by the British) it is essential that the Republic be over again affirmed by the people as soon as possible. When that may be no one can tell, but we cannot look too far ahead, in the meantime the Provisional Republican Governmentshould endeavour to "carry on".

3a. Propaganda. Imperialism. What the rejection of it by Ireland means. What its acceptance by Ireland means. This should be fully explained. What imperialism is, what Empires are-what theBritish Empire is-its growth. How it exists and maintains itself. Colonies (Irish Free State as a colony)-India, how oppression and possession of it is essential to maintenance of B.E., Money, Trade, Power, etc. (Curzon on India) Extracts Roger Casement's articles on "Ireland Germany and Freedom of the seas", published first in Irish Review 1913 or 1914. What Ireland's connection with Imperialism (however much apparent gain) means to her future. No use freeing Ireland to set her up as a State following the footsteps of all the rotten nations of Europe today—what Ireland's rejection of imperialism means etc.

b. Work of the Republic, to show it was-and is-a reality. This is an antidote to the hypocrites who now pretend that it never existed. Some pamphlets have already been published by direction of Dail last year,
showing how Republic functioned, Courts, land settlement. etc. Decrees. These were sold for 6d. each I think. They could be reproduced or used again. The Bulletin published by D/publicity all through war up to signing of Treaty docs, I think, contain heaps of dates.

c. Hierarchy. Invariably wrong in Ireland in their political outlook-against people in '98. Frs. Murphy (2), Roche, Herans excommunicated by the then Bishop of Ferns-against Emmet "condoning outrage"-against
Young Ireland, "Godless young men", support of Sadlier and Keogh against Fenians: Dr. Cullen, Bishop Moriarty "Hell not hot enough or eternity long enough", against "Plan of Campaign"-against Sinn Fein (early days when it was milk and water) against Irish Volunteers—support England in European war 1914-morally to blame for deaths of thousands of Irish youths in France, Flanders, Mesopotamia, Gallipoli, Macedonia, etc.

Nothing can condone this. European War a hideous holocaust on altar of Mammon; a struggle between Europe for power. Irish Hierarchy blood-guilty. Hierarchy against Easter Rising 1916, denunciation of Pearse,
etc. (Pearse the great example of Christian idealism) Hierarchy only opposed conscription when forced to do so by attitude of people. Against I.R.A. during terror. Bishop Cohalan's excommunication decree of December 1920. Hierarchy abandonment of principle, justice and honour by support of Treaty. Danger to Catholicism in Ireland from their bad example-theirexaltation of deceit and hypocrisy, their attempt to turn the noble aspect of Irish struggle and bring it to level of putrid politics, their admission that religion is something to be preached about from pulpits on Sundays, but never put into practice in the affairs of the nation, their desertion of Ulster, etc.

"Sceilg"' could I think do the above best. Excuse change of writing. I had to get the above copied by some- one else from a letter I am sending to Sighle Humphries lest anything should happen this one. I will close up now, but will continue ideas on propaganda and other things tomorrow.

Regards
L. 0. M.

In a further letter Mellows despatched on 29th August:

Continuing mine of the 26th inst. (No. i) Before doing so however I wish to point out that the matter of establishing a Provisional Republican Government has become imperative because of the probability of the English taking a hand sooner or later. No doubt they will continue to make use of Irishmen as long as the latter can be duped or dazzled by the Free State idea; but even to this there will be an end and then the British will, by using the arguments against Republicans that the F.S. now use, cloud the issue greatly. For the British to calumniate Republicans and belittle their cause by besmirching them is one thing; but for F.S. (and supposed potential Republicans) to do it is another, and diffirent and worse thing. Because the British will not use British arguments to cloak their action, but Irish ones "out of our own mouths", etc. Therefore an object-a target-must be presented for the enemy (F.S. or British) to hit at-otherwise it becomes a fight (apparently) between individuals. Hence the necessity of getting the Provisional Republican Government established at once.

Mellows then resumed his discussion of propaganda:

d. Dev's work in America. The time has now come for informing the Irish People what miracles De Valera accomplished there. The attempt to belittle his work for Eire both here ;and abroad must be defeated. Dealing with America is a stupendous work, and tons of data is needed. But it will be a labour well worth performing. Show how it was the Republic (and the Republic only) that gained such sympathy for us there; that no other cause would have got the slightest hearing-that de V. changed an ignorant and either apathetic or hostile people into genuine sympathisers in two years. He made the name of Ireland respected where it was despised, and the Irish cause an ideal where it had been regarded as political humbug. Fr. Magennis could do a very fine opening chapter describing the state of the Irish movement in America and the attitude generally of America and Americans at tlie time of Dev's coming.

e. Life of Cathal Brugha. A brief (but not scrappy) account of above would I think do a lot of good. The account in the Bulletin(Catholic) by Sceilg is splendid, but not detailed enough. The underlying idea should be that of "Principle", a word that at one time meant everything to (and conveyed everything of) the I.R.A.

f. Cardinal Mercier; as an offset to their Lordships, a fine pamphlet on the example set for Ireland by Cardinal Mercier-his acts and words-could be written.

g. South Africa. The danger to Ireland of Irish allowing their work to be patterned on example of South Africa. After Treaty of Veer and later formation United South Africa-(all Boers still saying they were Republicans at heart) the real Republicans found an obstacle stood between them and the British-their own. Parallel with Ireland, Smuts and Botha, Collins and Griffith, Cathal Brugha, de Wet, etc. "Five years" fallacy of F. S. Repubs.

4. Courts. Except for Supreme Court, the Rcpub courts should be maintained. Nothing conveyed proof in America of existence of Republic here so much as the establishment and work of Courts.

5. Fianna. We must concentrate on youth-salvation of country lies in this-both boys and girls, Fianna never got proper help or encouragement. Fianna ideal can save future- The reason for so many young soldiers going wrong is that they never had a proper grasp of fundamentals. They were absorbed into movement and fight—not educated into it. Hence no real convictions.

6. Food Control. Food supply will present a serious problem soon. The obstruction of roads, railways and communications will be intensified. Towns will feel it the worst. Some plan of rationing will have to be thought out and some person (a labour man for preference) put in control. If the Republic is to win out against the Free State and the British, we shall have to face the idea of people suffering many privations. If scheme worked out ahead, it will not be so bad. In fact it would compel a change from present wretched economic outlook and make them rely on their own resources. Many things that are now looked on as necessities would have to be done without—tea, sugar, foreign flour, etc., but oatmeal, oatflour, barley and other
wholesome foods would be used. As a matter of fact Ireland has suffered nothing (comparatively speaking) either during Great War or our War. English people (and English women) cheerfully put up with severe deprivations and we Irish think our Cause worth putting up with anything. But do we? Judging by the whines and grumbles one is tempted sometimes to say ' certainly not."

7. Communications.

a. Abroad. Routes and men must be sought out and maintained at all costs for the following: England, Scotland, America, Germany, Belgium, France, Russia, Italy.

b. Home. Very essential

8. Foreign: India. Isn't the time approaching when we should be in closest touch?

9. Bye-elections. Don't suppose these can take place under present conditions-but we must have our eyes open.

10. Bishops, Can anything be done by a number of clergy coming together?